Reparations movements must use the EU to be successful – the EU has global leverage and can effectively undermine global support for racism and colonialism.
Indeed, in the wake of the tragic events of 11 September 2001, it is evident that in the long term the value of the dollar will fall -- as the idea of the U.S. as a safe haven sinks under the rubble of the World Trade Center -- and the value of the "euro" will rise. The increased U.S. reliance on the EU -- and, indeed, the international community -- to wage its war against "terrorism," also suggests that Washington will become more reliant on the world and, thus, will have to heed clarion calls coming from abroad. The position of Germany in this context is striking. Compared to Britain and France, Germany was not a major colonial power -- in Africa or elsewhere; indeed, one of the major causes of the two blood-lettings called World War I and World War II was Berlin's effort to gain a larger share of the division of the world that would be more in line with what its ruling elite saw as the nation's actual power. The end result was that Germany wound up losing what colonies it had, particularly in Namibia, SouthWest Africa, which -- after Berlin's ignominious defeat in World War I -- was handed over to South Africa. Interestingly, though the WCAR was boycotted by most high-level representatives of North America and Western Europe, Germany dispatched its Foreign Minister who expressed contrition for slavery and colonialism. Not only is the E.U. embroiled in furious conflicts with the U.S. over all manner of bread and butter issues -- issues which have served as a pretext for war in different times -- but, as well, there are sharp ideological disputes between the two giants as well. The Foreign Minister of Germany is a member of the Green Party -- a party not unlike the party of the same name represented by the much reviled Ralph Nader during the 2000 presidential race -- and the Chancellor, Gerhard Schroeder is a Social Democrat. "Socialism" is not a dirty word in the E.U. as Social Democrats play a leading role in Brussels, the "capital" of the EU. Many in Europe look askance at the U.S. and its "cowboy capitalism" that Washington has sought to foist on the rest of the planet by dint of its leading role in multi-lateral institutions, e.g. the World Bank (led by the Australian-American, James Wolfensohn) and the International Monetary Fund. Many Europeans look down their nose at George Bush, present occupant of the White House, as a Bible-quoting, gun-toting, abortion obsessed, environment polluting, Toxic Texan. They resent his seeking to gun international treaties on global warming, small arms, the International Criminal Court, etc. Just as there are those in Washington who no doubt find it convenient to have leverage against Germany because of Holocaust lawsuits, there are those in Europe who would like to have leverage against the U.S. because of reparations claims. Indeed, those seeking to file lawsuits about U.S. reparations would be well-advised to look into the possibility of filing such claims in European courts, just as those non-governmental organizations seeking leverage should also be peering across the Atlantic. The Prime Minister of France, Lionel Jospin, is not only a Socialist but a former Trotskyite. Interestingly, he recently endorsed the potentially far-reaching "Tobin Tax," named after Yale professor James Tobin, which would place a tax on cross-border capital movements the funds from which could then be deployed on behalf of the developing world. Thus far, President Fidel Castro of Cuba -- another prominent defender of reparations -- has been one of the few international leaders bold enough to endorse this measure. That Jospin of France would do so is indicative of how quickly political currents can shift -- something reparations advocates should keep in mind. Of course, the "Tobin Tax" has been a non-starter on this side of the Atlantic, not worthy of mention in polite circles. Yet, its redistributive nature is not unlike reparations and is animated by the same spirit.7 Also worthy of note is that Berlin -- at the prompting of Paris -- also has taken the "Tobin Tax" under advisement. Similarly, at the Durban conference, the French Minister of Co-operation, Charles Josselin, declared, "The French parliament has unanimously adopted a law recognizing that slavery, the trans-Atlantic slave trade, perpetrated from the 15th century against Africans, Amerindians, Malagasies and Indians, constitutes a crime against humanity." One awaits a similar declaration from the U.S. Congress. In the meantime, it would be quite useful for advocates of reparations to establish firm linkages with the so-called anti-globalization movement, which has shaken the foundations of the leading powers from Seattle to Quebec City to Prague to Genoa. One idea that reparations advocates could usefully bring to anti-globalization circles is the idea that protecting sovereignty -- particularly U.S. sovereignty -- is not necessarily and always a value worth defending. As noted here, often it has been necessary to override U.S. sovereignty-e.g. to protect the human rights of peoples of color, particularly African-Americans. In fact, this notion that anti-globalization means upholding U.S. sovereignty is possibly one reason why participation of peoples of color in the massive anti-globalization marches have been up to par. In any case, the reparations movement must engage with the European Union in order to advance its worthy goals. Keep in mind that a number of leading members of the E.U. were neither slave trading nations nor colonizing powers -- the Scandinavian nations, whose foreign aid to Africa is proportionally higher than that of the U.S., come quickly to mind. Social Democrats too play a leading role in this region. And just as the Communist Party-USA has special ties to ruling Communists in Cuba and Vietnam, the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) -- which has included former Congressman Ronald V. Dellums among its leaders -- has special ties to European Social Democrats that are well worth exploring. In that regard, reparations advocates should not only pursue such ties but should also move forthwith to dispatch delegations to leading E.U. capitals to engage in intensive discussions with political parties and other organs of civil society. This is nothing new. During the era of slavery, Frederick Douglass spent a considerable amount of time touring Europe drumming up opposition against the lords of the lash -- the demon slave-owners of the South. That Britain did not intervene on behalf of the South during the Civil War -- though breaking up and weakening the U.S. had been a long-term goal of London, at least since the War of 1812 -- did not occur, not least because of the influence wielded in the U.K. by lobbyists like Douglass. Likewise, the turning point for the crusade against lynching spearheaded by Ida B. Wells-Barnett took place when she toured Europe, bringing to the attention of a larger audience the heinous extra-judicial crimes then being perpetrated against (mostly) African-Americans.
(Richard Horne, History Department UNC, 10/18/02, “Race for Power: Reparations and the International Community”, UCSB Research, http://research.ucsb.edu/cbs/xsite/lectures/legacy/Horne.html) [Ram]
Indeed, in the wake of the tragic events of 11 September 2001, it is evident that in the long term the value of the dollar will fall -- as the idea of the U.S. as a safe haven sinks under the rubble of the World Trade Center -- and the value of the "euro" will rise. The increased U.S. reliance on the EU -- and, indeed, the international community -- to wage its war against "terrorism," also suggests that Washington will become more reliant on the world and, thus, will have to heed clarion calls coming from abroad. The position of Germany in this context is striking. Compared to Britain and France, Germany was not a major colonial power -- in Africa or elsewhere; indeed, one of the major causes of the two blood-lettings called World War I and World War II was Berlin's effort to gain a larger share of the division of the world that would be more in line with what its ruling elite saw as the nation's actual power. The end result was that Germany wound up losing what colonies it had, particularly in Namibia, SouthWest Africa, which -- after Berlin's ignominious defeat in World War I -- was handed over to South Africa. Interestingly, though the WCAR was boycotted by most high-level representatives of North America and Western Europe, Germany dispatched its Foreign Minister who expressed contrition for slavery and colonialism. Not only is the E.U. embroiled in furious conflicts with the U.S. over all manner of bread and butter issues -- issues which have served as a pretext for war in different times -- but, as well, there are sharp ideological disputes between the two giants as well. The Foreign Minister of Germany is a member of the Green Party -- a party not unlike the party of the same name represented by the much reviled Ralph Nader during the 2000 presidential race -- and the Chancellor, Gerhard Schroeder is a Social Democrat. "Socialism" is not a dirty word in the E.U. as Social Democrats play a leading role in Brussels, the "capital" of the EU. Many in Europe look askance at the U.S. and its "cowboy capitalism" that Washington has sought to foist on the rest of the planet by dint of its leading role in multi-lateral institutions, e.g. the World Bank (led by the Australian-American, James Wolfensohn) and the International Monetary Fund. Many Europeans look down their nose at George Bush, present occupant of the White House, as a Bible-quoting, gun-toting, abortion obsessed, environment polluting, Toxic Texan. They resent his seeking to gun international treaties on global warming, small arms, the International Criminal Court, etc. Just as there are those in Washington who no doubt find it convenient to have leverage against Germany because of Holocaust lawsuits, there are those in Europe who would like to have leverage against the U.S. because of reparations claims. Indeed, those seeking to file lawsuits about U.S. reparations would be well-advised to look into the possibility of filing such claims in European courts, just as those non-governmental organizations seeking leverage should also be peering across the Atlantic. The Prime Minister of France, Lionel Jospin, is not only a Socialist but a former Trotskyite. Interestingly, he recently endorsed the potentially far-reaching "Tobin Tax," named after Yale professor James Tobin, which would place a tax on cross-border capital movements the funds from which could then be deployed on behalf of the developing world. Thus far, President Fidel Castro of Cuba -- another prominent defender of reparations -- has been one of the few international leaders bold enough to endorse this measure. That Jospin of France would do so is indicative of how quickly political currents can shift -- something reparations advocates should keep in mind. Of course, the "Tobin Tax" has been a non-starter on this side of the Atlantic, not worthy of mention in polite circles. Yet, its redistributive nature is not unlike reparations and is animated by the same spirit.7 Also worthy of note is that Berlin -- at the prompting of Paris -- also has taken the "Tobin Tax" under advisement. Similarly, at the Durban conference, the French Minister of Co-operation, Charles Josselin, declared, "The French parliament has unanimously adopted a law recognizing that slavery, the trans-Atlantic slave trade, perpetrated from the 15th century against Africans, Amerindians, Malagasies and Indians, constitutes a crime against humanity." One awaits a similar declaration from the U.S. Congress. In the meantime, it would be quite useful for advocates of reparations to establish firm linkages with the so-called anti-globalization movement, which has shaken the foundations of the leading powers from Seattle to Quebec City to Prague to Genoa. One idea that reparations advocates could usefully bring to anti-globalization circles is the idea that protecting sovereignty -- particularly U.S. sovereignty -- is not necessarily and always a value worth defending. As noted here, often it has been necessary to override U.S. sovereignty-e.g. to protect the human rights of peoples of color, particularly African-Americans. In fact, this notion that anti-globalization means upholding U.S. sovereignty is possibly one reason why participation of peoples of color in the massive anti-globalization marches have been up to par. In any case, the reparations movement must engage with the European Union in order to advance its worthy goals. Keep in mind that a number of leading members of the E.U. were neither slave trading nations nor colonizing powers -- the Scandinavian nations, whose foreign aid to Africa is proportionally higher than that of the U.S., come quickly to mind. Social Democrats too play a leading role in this region. And just as the Communist Party-USA has special ties to ruling Communists in Cuba and Vietnam, the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) -- which has included former Congressman Ronald V. Dellums among its leaders -- has special ties to European Social Democrats that are well worth exploring. In that regard, reparations advocates should not only pursue such ties but should also move forthwith to dispatch delegations to leading E.U. capitals to engage in intensive discussions with political parties and other organs of civil society. This is nothing new. During the era of slavery, Frederick Douglass spent a considerable amount of time touring Europe drumming up opposition against the lords of the lash -- the demon slave-owners of the South. That Britain did not intervene on behalf of the South during the Civil War -- though breaking up and weakening the U.S. had been a long-term goal of London, at least since the War of 1812 -- did not occur, not least because of the influence wielded in the U.K. by lobbyists like Douglass. Likewise, the turning point for the crusade against lynching spearheaded by Ida B. Wells-Barnett took place when she toured Europe, bringing to the attention of a larger audience the heinous extra-judicial crimes then being perpetrated against (mostly) African-Americans.